Latest Free Speech News

December 13, 2024
By Sean Paige Alumni Free Speech Alliance December 12, 2024 When North Carolina Congressman Greg Murphy convened the first Campus Free Speech Roundtable on Capitol Hill four years ago, few outside of the hearing room probably noticed. The issue seemed so “back burner,” the cause so hopeless, and the prospects of meaningful change so remote that attendees probably wondered whether it would be the first and last such congressional hearing. But a lot has changed in four years. This year’s panelists — including 4 with ties to the Alumni Free Speech Alliance, or AFSA — voiced guarded optimism that their efforts to steer the ship away from the rocks were seeing results. And the lawmakers who launched the effort — most notably Murphy, Education & the Workforce Committee Chairwoman Virginia Foxx (R-NC), and Utah Republican Rep. Burgess Owens — surely must have felt some measure of vindication, seeing that these formerly “back burner” issues are now squarely front and center in Congress and high priority agenda items for an incoming Trump administration. That doesn’t mean participants were brimming with bravado and confidence. All who work on higher education reform understand that the crisis is real, the problems are deeply rooted, and small victories can be short-lived if constant and consistent efforts aren’t applied. But notes of cautious optimism could be heard as representatives of the Alumni Free Speech Alliance , Young America's Foundation , Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression , American Council of Trustees and Alumni , and Speech First spoke and fielded questions. "Free speech on campuses across the country has been under attack for decades," Murphy told participants. "Progressive political ideologues have infiltrated and overtaken college administrations and faculties. Rampant anti-Semitism and egregious DEI programs have replaced the principles of civility, freedom of expression, and equality on which institutions of higher education were founded. Students, in record numbers, self-censor in classrooms. Faculty force their own political ideologies on students. Administrators abuse their position of authority to push a political agenda. Congress plays a role in oversight of public universities and must protect students' First Amendment rights. I appreciate the ongoing commitment of groups who fight for free speech so that we ensure our nation's colleges remain robust learning environments that cultivate tolerant, well-rounded individuals capable of contributing to our dynamic society." ASFA’s affiliation with four of those who spoke is an impressive measure of the momentum and visibility the movement has gained in just 3 years. Our grassroots network has grown to nearly 30 chapters, stretching from coast to coast. Our active and engaged alumni are proving to be a potent force for constructive change at the schools where our groups exist — and more are on the way. AFSA affiliates who spoke and fielded questions were (pictured below, left to right) Princetonians for Free Speech Co-Founder and Executive Committee Member Edward Yingling, AFSA Chairman and Jefferson Council Board of Advisors Member Tom Neale, Davidsonians for Freedom of Thought and Discourse Chairman John Craig, and Davidsonians for Freedom of Thought and Discourse Executive Director Kenny Xu. The Roundtable can be replayed here in its entirety . (Please note that the opening statements begin at the 18-minute mark.) The opening statements of AFSA participants are below. JOHN CRAIG REMARKS FOR DECEMBER 11, 2024 ,CONGRESSIONAL FREE SPEECH ROUNDTABLE. Good morning, My name is John Craig, and I am the chairman of Davidsonians for Freedom of Thought & Discourse. Thank you, Congressman Murphy, for chairing this important annual Roundtable, and to the other members of Congress present. Also, thanks to Congressman Murphy for his strong support of our work to promote freedom of expression and viewpoint diversity at our shared alma mater Davidson College. Let me say upfront that we are making some progress in the struggle for campus free speech & viewpoint diversity. At Davidson, we achieved adoption of a Commitment to Freedom of Expression Statement and have rallied students to form the student Free Speech Alliance and rebirth the Young Americans for Freedom and Libertarians chapters. And just two weeks ago, the students brought supply-side economist Art Laffer to campus—something that would have been unheard of even a year ago! In the wake of last year’s Congressional Hearings post-October 7th , leadership changes occurred at Harvard, Penn, and Cornell. Harvard’s interim president has just endorsed the recommendations of the Harvard Working Group on Open Inquiry and Constructive Dialogue, which, among other things calls for a required course for new undergraduates on constructive disagreement and review of policies for investigating alleged violations of discrimination, bullying, and harassment. And misguided and ineffective DEI programs in the corporate world and in some universities are being dismantled. So, to some degree, the campus free speech movement is currently riding a wave. But make no mistake about it, the forces for one-sided ideological intolerance and speech control on many American campuses are entrenched and are using every tool at their disposal to maintain the status quo and combat us freedom fighters. This is why, in the possibly narrow window of opportunity before us, we need the Federal government to use every instrument possible to support freedom of expression and viewpoint diversity. We need help especially in tackling the Critical Race Theory/oppressed vs. oppressor mentality that underpins DEI programs and many courses. The most important tool, of course, is the power of the purse. So, I suggest that Congress rid all NIH, NEA, NEH, etc. grant applications of DEI requirements. Make federal grants for research and teaching contingent on the absence of DEI loyalty oaths — obvious screening devices—in faculty recruitment and promotion documents. Mandate that institutions receiving federal funds publish on their websites all course syllabi. The biggest money, of course, is in the Federal Student Loan Program, whose thorough reform will be a big undertaking. But certainly the recent loan forgiveness excesses should be scrapped, and I hope that some way can be found to make universities and colleges liable for substantial portions of defaulted loans. I emphasize the urgency of reforms like these. We out in the field need every ounce of support that Congress can provide. We saw this time last year how powerful Congressional hearings can be in shining light on the fault lines in US higher ed. We need more such hearings, and our hats are off to you members of Congress for the courage and leadership you are demonstrating in this battle for the American mind. Thank you. The Opening Statement of Davidsonians for Free Thought and Open Discourse Executive Director Kenny Xu A dental school student formerly enrolled at Columbia University School of Dentistry tells me that one of the first questions he was told to ask a pregnant mother dealing with pelvic pain was whether she wanted to keep the baby. An NC State transfer student at the Poole College of Management reports to me that the first two weeks of her business school experience was spent listening to seminars on DEI and SDGs, which stands for “Sustainable Development Goals,” instead of the basics of business such as how to make a proposal and how to receive funding for your idea. If not reflected in policy, the academic experience for a young conservative student is full of slights, subtle degradations, and the constant threat of harassment. As a result, nationally, the free speech of conservative and other politically nonconforming students is impaired. The Foundation for Individual Rights in Education (FIRE) nationally compiled and found that about 70 percent of students nationwide (out of a sample size of over 30,000) state that they feel uncomfortable sharing a disagreeing view with a professor in class. The American Association of Medical Colleges, which helps state medical boards evaluate and license physician schools, put out a release of 72 criteria based on Critical Race Theory-related social justice tenets for schools to follow in order to be deemed accreditation-worthy. Such acts caused prestigious medical schools like UNC Medical Schools to issue large-scale social advocacy platforms that ultimately proved needlessly distracting and even discriminatory to their future doctors’ medical education. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 prevents discrimination according to race, sex, sexual orientation, religion, and a whole host of other factors. It’s time to add political orientation to that list. The whole purpose of American education is to teach people to be empathetic creatures capable of seeing multiple viewpoints and sides. If that is not the purpose of diversity, then diversity has no purpose. Today’s higher education system, with its relentless liberal/progressive orientation and disregard for indulging alternative viewpoints, is the opposite of that. Tolerance, it now is obvious, it only for the tolerated. DEI statements in hiring, mandatory DEI trainings, and surveillance of “harassment” complaints through anonymous reporting agencies are now used to discriminate against conservative students for simply stating and defending their beliefs. This creates reticence among conservative students to pursue their academic and career goals, leading to a dearth of those students in essential fields like education and healthcare, which require continuing education. This, of course, leads to the one-sided political bureaucracy that we all know and hate. The only way to stop the march of higher ed against conservative students is to aggressively promote intellectual diversity and protect conservative students who speak out. There needs to be at every public college in America a contingent of the school that aggressively and openly defends the right of ideologically nonconforming students to speak. Whether that is an actual school or a part of the administration, it must be given broad leeway to call out, for lack of better word, “higher education B.S” where they see it. Stocking universities with such people must be a new civil service mandate at the new Trump administration. I believe as much as anybody in people’s ability to speak and reason freely. What I don’t believe in is using one’s powers of speech to exercise raw power over others and making people conform to your ideologies and beliefs. America is a nation built on the capacity to see that other perspectives exist. President Trump, you must take the lead and ensure that the presence of those who believe in you and your education agenda is felt in the places that most hate conservatives. You must ferociously and tirelessly enforce all civil rights protections to apply to conservative students as well as any other student. Cautious Optimism Was the Keynote at a Capitol Forum on Campus Free Speech
December 13, 2024
By Mark McNeilly James G. Martin Center for Academic Renewal April, 22 2024 I f you are up on the latest trends in academia, you’ll know that “institutional neutrality” is in the news as more universities consider or adopt it. In my view, this is a good thing, as it maintains the role of the university as a neutral arena in which faculty and students can freely express and debate a wide range of viewpoints constructively rather than feel stifled when their university takes a public stance on a political or social issue. However, there is confusion within academia on what institutional neutrality means and how to implement it. What Is Institutional Neutrality? The free-speech organization FIRE (Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression) defines institutional neutrality as “the idea that colleges and universities should not, as institutions, take positions on social and political issues unless those issues ‘threaten the very mission of the university and its values of free inquiry.’ Instead, these discussions should be left to students and faculty.” Most point to the adoption of the Kalven Statement by the University of Chicago in 1967 as the seminal moment for institutional neutrality. During the turbulent Sixties, when debate over the Vietnam War and civil rights rocked the United States, the Kalven Statement outlined the proper role of a university in terms of societal change: The instrument of dissent and criticism is the individual faculty member or the individual student. The university is the home and sponsor of critics; it is not itself the critic. It is, to go back once again to the classic phrase, a community of scholars. To perform its mission in the society, a university must sustain an extraordinary environment of freedom of inquiry and maintain an independence from political fashions, passions, and pressures. A university, if it is to be true to its faith in intellectual inquiry, must embrace, be hospitable to, and encourage the widest diversity of views within its own community. It is a community but only for the limited, albeit great, purposes of teaching and research. It is not a club, it is not a trade association, it is not a lobby. Since the university is a community only for these limited and distinctive purposes, it is a community which cannot take collective action on the issues of the day without endangering the conditions for its existence and effectiveness. Why Universities Are Adopting Institutional Neutrality For decades, Chicago was the sole university that had committed to institutional neutrality. That changed in 2022 when University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill trustees passed a resolution adopting institutional neutrality. That action raised the visibility of the subject in academia, as it ran counter to the usual flurry of political statements being made by university leaders on what seemed like every political and social event or issue. Nevertheless, there are a myriad of good reasons for university leaders to follow UNC’s lead and adopt institutional neutrality, as I laid out in this article on the Heterodox Academy blog. The propensity to take stances on every issue was reexamined by higher-ed leaders after the October 7 Hamas terrorist attack that killed hundreds of Israeli civilians and the disastrous House hearings featuring the presidents of Harvard, UPenn, and MIT. Pushback from alumni, donors, and the public, combined with internal tensions on the left that fractured the usual ideological unity, led many college presidents and chancellors to reconsider the wisdom of continually making political statements. While there is still a long way to go, this list from FIRE of universities that have formally adopted the Kalven Statement shows progress. To encourage more universities at this propitious moment, FIRE, Heterodox Academy, and the Academic Freedom Alliance have joined forces to issue a joint call to institutions to stop taking political stances and instead adopt institutional neutrality: It is time for those entrusted with ultimate oversight authority for your institutions to restore truth-seeking as the primary mission of higher education by adopting a policy of institutional neutrality on social and political issues that do not concern core academic matters or institutional operations. Institutional Neutrality Simplified Institutional neutrality seems like a simple concept, but implementing it raises many questions and often leaves faculty and university leaders confused. Some faculty think institutional neutrality means they cannot speak out on issues, when in reality it exists to make faculty feel more comfortable in speaking out (as long as they make clear they are not speaking for the university). University leaders, meanwhile, are not sure what they can and cannot say. For example, what is considered an internal issue (those on which the university can take a stance) as opposed to an external social or political issue (on which the institution should stay silent to allow faculty and students the ability to speak freely)? My goal here is to try to make the concept more understandable with a short explanation and a visual. First, let’s separate the internal campus issues from the external social and political ones. Internal campus issues refer to matters that directly pertain to the university’s core functions and responsibilities, including education, research, and the maintenance of a community where academic freedom is protected and fostered. These issues might involve policies on admissions, faculty governance, curriculum development, academic standards, campus safety, resource allocation, and the establishment of an environment conducive to learning and inquiry. The Kalven Report suggests that the university is not only justified but also obligated to engage in and take positions on these internal matters, as they directly affect its ability to fulfill its educational mission. External social issues of the day, on the other hand, encompass a wide range of political, social, and economic concerns that exist outside the university’s immediate academic and administrative responsibilities. These issues might include national or international policies, social-justice movements, political elections, and other societal debates not directly related to the university’s primary mission of education and research. The Kalven Report advocates for the university to maintain a position of neutrality on these external matters, arguing that taking institutional stances on such issues would compromise the university’s commitment to academic freedom and its role as a platform for open inquiry and debate among individuals with diverse viewpoints. Given those definitions, the following visual illustrates my interpretation of who is allowed to make statements on the two types of issues. When external events occur about which university leaders feel some type of statement should be made despite the commitment to institutional neutrality, I offer the following template. External Event Statement Template: [University name here] follows a policy of institutional neutrality. This means our university will not take a position or make statements on the domestic or international issues of the day. However, we recognize that the [external event here] may be affecting faculty, staff, or students on campus. For those affected by these events, university leadership has made the following resources available for your assistance [resource list here]. Next Steps on the Path to Institutional Neutrality Institutional neutrality is the best way forward for a university to encourage its faculty and students to speak freely on issues of the day, stay true to its mission of the pursuit of truth, and maintain support from alumni, donors, and the public. More institutional leaders must take UNC’s step of formally adopting those principles and explain to their constituents what the concept means. To help do so, there are many resources now available. A more in-depth examination of the principles of institutional neutrality and how to implement it is offered by Heterodox Academy in its Model Statement of Neutrality. FIRE also has excellent resources on the implementation of institutional neutrality here. I recommend both highly. The time has come for universities and colleges to embrace institutional neutrality as a core principle. University leaders and governing bodies should formally adopt policies of neutrality to return our institutions to being bastions of diverse thought and debate and to restore trust among students, faculty, alumni, and the wider community. We can prioritize truth-seeking and intellectual freedom by adopting institutional neutrality today. Mark McNeilly is a professor of the practice at the UNC Kenan-Flagler Business School. The views expressed are his own and are not meant to represent the University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill. In Praise of Institutional Neutrality in Academia — The James G. Martin Center for Academic Renewal
November 12, 2024
Published October 1, 2024 Dear Members of the Harvard Community, For the past six months, the Open Inquiry and Constructive Dialogue Working Group has sought to understand how we communicate with one another and how we might do better. It has explored how we experience our classrooms and the broader campus environment. It has researched how we teach and learn. And it has assessed how various tools and techniques support robust debate and rigorous discourse. We write now to share the Group’s report and recommendations . Drawn from Faculties from across the University, the Working Group hosted 23 listening sessions, conducted online surveys, and gathered direct input from students, faculty, staff, and alumni representing every Harvard School. More than 600 affiliates participated in the listening sessions, while thousands more lent their perspectives through surveys and correspondence. Thank you to all who took the time to share their views—we need to hear from all parts of our community if the work ahead is to be fully successful. As the report states, “excellence through the free and respectful exchange of ideas demands much of every member of the community.” The insights gleaned from these many points of engagement are detailed in the report, which notes that some community members are reluctant to share their views or to discuss controversial issues because they fear being judged by peers, criticized on social media, or subjected to reputational or professional damage. To address and help overcome this reluctance, the Working Group highlights good work already under way across our campus to cultivate habits, norms, and practices supporting open inquiry and constructive dialogue. These efforts informed the Working Group’s own wide-ranging recommendations, including the establishment of norms, propagation of best teaching practices, creation of new teaching modules, and development of responsible social media policies. We accept the recommendations of the Working Group and look forward to working with the deans, faculty, staff, and students to put them into practice. Our work will undoubtedly take time and will take many forms across the University. As our community rededicates itself to this vital pursuit, we encourage you to read the report and use it as a resource in efforts—large and small—to further open inquiry and constructive dialogue. More about the report is available in this Gazette Q&A . As we noted when we announced the Working Group in April, excellence in discovery and learning requires the ability to try ideas on for size, to explore them fully, to challenge accepted wisdom, to disagree productively, and to take risks. We are immensely grateful to the members of the Working Group, especially co-chairs Tomiko Brown-Nagin and Eric Beerbohm, for their tremendous contribution to this important effort. As the report notes, we are at an “inflection point in the history of our institution, our nation, and the world,” and “we must practice—even enshrine—habits, norms, and practices that facilitate the excellence for which we all strive.” This report points the way. Sincerely, Alan M. Garber President John F. Manning Provost
October 4, 2024
Jed Atkins, head of the Chapel Hill campus’s new School of Civic Life and Leadership, wants to teach students to be tolerant, in an old-school way.
September 10, 2024
Colleges across America see the first signs of a repeat of what happened in California after 1996.
September 8, 2024
Colleges across America see the first signs of a repeat of what happened in California after 1996.
August 15, 2024
Columbia’s Minouche Shafik is the latest Ivy League resignation. Will it prove a turning point?
August 14, 2024
Kenny Xu, a Class of 2019 Davidson alumnus and author, was named the 2 nd Executive Director of Davidsonians for Freedom of Thought and Discourse on August 13, 2024. He brings to the role experience both chronicling and participating in vital debates on higher education. He is the author of two books (An Inconvenient Minority and School of Woke), a U.S. Congressional candidate in the NC 13 th District congressional primary in 2024, and most recently President of Color Us United, a 501(c)(3) nonprofit that speaks out on identity politics issues. Kenny has engaged on all sides of both politics and education, while keeping his steadfast commitment to his alma mater as a founding Board member of DFTD. Kenny says, “DFTD is a national leader on campus free speech and has been key to improving the culture of free expression at Davidson. I couldn’t be prouder to be chosen to direct this important organization. My goal is to work with and engage all of Davidson’s stakeholders in the mission of making Davidson College a national leader for free debate and intellectual inquiry.” Regarding Kenny Xu’s appointment, DFTD Board chair John Craig ’66 said, “Kenny was present at the founding of our independent alumni organization back in 2018 and has provided thoughtful leadership as a member of the DFTD board. He is an outstanding communicator and passionate on campus freedom of expression and viewpoint diversity issues. We are extremely fortunate to have him take operational responsibility of DFTD at a time when the momentum is growing for the national higher education freedom of expression movement.” Kenny will build on the achievements of DFTD’s first Executive Director Kevin Cook ’09. Kevin is departing DFTD to join the executive leadership team at ThriveMore, where he will serve as the Chief Development Officer. ThriveMore, a faith-based, not-for-profit organization, is one of the most respected providers of residential and healthcare living options for older adults in North Carolina. DFTD board member James G. Martin ’57 said, “We thank Kevin Cook ’09 for his service over the last academic year. Kevin was instrumental in establishing DFTD-sponsored events on campus, forging new student and faculty relationships, and dramatically growing the donor base for the organization. We are proud of his accomplishments and wish him well in his new endeavor.” DFTD is an independent nonprofit alumni organization not affiliated with Davidson College, but firmly committed to helping ensure its continued excellence and long-term strength.
August 14, 2024
Ideals that were once a grounding have become an anchor.
July 3, 2024
By Eliot Cohen The Atlantic July 3, 2024 A fter 42 years of academic life—not counting five years spent getting a Ph.D.—I am hanging it up. A while back, I concluded that the conversation that I would most dread overhearing would be an alumna saying to a current student, “I know, I know, but you should have seen the old man in his prime.” I believe I dodged that one. My more than four decades, interrupted by stints of public service in the Defense and State Departments, were spent at just three academic institutions. Harvard formed and launched me; the Naval War College exposed me to America’s senior officer corps and its leadership culture; and Johns Hopkins, where I spent 34 years, gave me the opportunity to teach wonderful students, build a department, and become a dean. In all three places, I was given extraordinary freedom to think, write, speak, and serve my country, alongside remarkable colleagues, superiors, and, above all, students. And yet I leave elite academe with doubts and foreboding that I would not have anticipated when I completed my formal education in 1982. Watching the travails of Harvard—where I received my degrees and served as an assistant professor and assistant dean—has been particularly painful. Its annus horribilis did not even end with commencement, because Harvard’s dean of social science recently decided that he should publish an inane and dangerous article calling for the punishment of faculty who “excoriate University leadership, faculty, staff, or students with the intent to arouse external intervention into University business.” Inane, because how does one define excoriate, and how does one prove intent? Dangerous, because this is an open door to the suppression of freedom of speech, plain and simple, let alone academic freedom. And the article was also both arrogant and politically obtuse, because after the abuse Harvard has rightly taken this year from outraged alumni, students, donors, and faculty, not to mention journalists and members of Congress, it most definitely did not need a dean musing publicly about how best to suppress faculty impertinence. But Dean Lawrence Bobo’s call for the punishment of disaffected speech is symptomatic of deeper diseases in our elite universities. Job candidates being required to pledge fealty to progressive views on diversity, equity, and inclusion initiatives are but one manifestation of a university culture that is often intolerant of free speech, unwilling or unable to protect unpopular minorities, and uninterested in viewpoint diversity. As a politically conservative young professor, I was in a minority—but a large one. More important, I never felt that my views would be held against me by my colleagues. Now I would not be so sure. Inevitably, and justly, the public immunities, including tax exemptions, on which universities have thrived are endangered by the arrogance with which they respond to criticism, and their failure to live up to their own stated principles. According to a recent study , the problem is worst with young faculty: “Among liberal faculty 35 and under, only 23% indicated that shouting down a speaker is never acceptable, 43% said the same for blocking entry, and 64% for using violence to stop a campus speech.” Put differently, in at least some instances, 36 percent approve using violence, 57 percent approve blocking entry, and 77 percent think it’s okay to shout down some speakers. This is a part of academe’s present; what is scary is that it may portend academe’s future. At least half of faculty identify as liberal or progressive, with minorities as small as a quarter or even only a tenth identifying as conservative. My journey through academe coincided with many changes—the staggering growth in the wealth of top-tier institutions, which now sit on endowments in the billions or tens of billions; a large and still somewhat obscure influx of foreign money; the relentless drive to treat academic disciplines as professions; hiring systems driven by quantitative scoring of publications; a reduction in teaching loads for top faculty; the shrinkage of humanities and some social-science concentrations; and an explosion of administrative staff at all levels. To be sure, there are many positive things in today’s academe: magnificent infrastructure, thriving science and technology departments that in turn drive American economic innovation, online instruction that extends the reach of education to those who cannot or choose not to partake of more conventional full-time schooling, and institutions willing to break with past models, Arizona State University being the largest but hardly the only example. The humanities and some of the social sciences are in a different place, however, and valuable academic ways have been lost. In 1990, when I came to my quirky division of Johns Hopkins University, the School of Advanced International Studies, our buildings (like those of Harvard in my student days) were worn and dingy, and we made decisions about hiring new faculty without the benefit of the H or i-10 citation indexes. Rather, as a senior colleague once growled at a meeting, “We read their damned books and articles. All of them. And then we make up our minds.” A four-course load for tenured full professors was standard, with a grudging reduction to three for really unusual administrative loads. Some of the faculty revolted when we learned that the school had the same number of administrators as faculty (as compared with three or four times as many in most universities today). Teaching, particularly of the introductory courses, was understood to be a responsibility of the senior faculty, who in ways by turns constructive and obstreperous felt an ownership of the institution and a lifelong commitment to it. It is different now. Universities rely on adjunct faculty, and faculty seem to me less likely to feel like citizens and more like privileged employees. Change is inevitable, no doubt. New methods of research complement—to my mind, they do not replace—the old; some topics require collective work as opposed to individual diligence. Technology opens up new ways to mine, sort, and correlate data. And better by far to have air-conditioning that works. But something has been lost. It may be an aging professor’s nostalgia to insist that in the old days, learned giants walked the Earth. But when I think of the men and women who taught me, I cannot help but think that they were a deeper and often wiser group than the norm today. One way or another, as children or adults, as native-born Americans or immigrants from ravaged lands, they had been touched by World War II. They were broadly read and multilingual, and they did not obsess about “the profession” of political science. They were hardly a humble lot, but by and large they knew how to say “I’ve changed my mind” or even “I was wrong about that.” When Harvard Dean Henry Rosovsky asked my mentors Samuel P. Huntington or James Q. Wilson or Judith Shklar to do something for the good of the university, the answer was an unhesitating yes. When I became the dean of my division of Johns Hopkins, I was at first shocked and then resigned when the answer to a similar request was more often “Well, what will you give me in return?” or simply “No.” When the designers of the magnificent new Washington, D.C., Bloomberg Center of Hopkins asked a group of us what would define failure for the spectacular new building, my answer was, “If it turns into WeWork for academics.” I pray it avoids that fate. The old ways were going to change, particularly as new faculty replaced the World War II generation. But I had the benefit of having had as role models the last of a generation of scholars and teachers who had lived experience of that furnace. I further had the good fortune to engage early on with America’s senior military officers, and quickly discovered that I enjoyed and learned more from my time with them than at the American Political Science Association conventions. To this day I find their company more interesting than that of many professors, learning from and being inspired by their life knowledge, character, and wisdom. There are many thousands of dedicated and capable teachers and scholars out there, no doubt. But I wonder whether in academe overall, the single-minded and inflexible commitment to the value embodied in the mottoes of my two universities—“Truth” and “The truth will make you free”—still stands. The replication crisis, first detected in the discipline of academic psychology , makes one wonder. I suspect, however, that that value will flourish, together with broad intellectual culture and a genuine breadth of perspectives, but in different institutions than in the past, and I look forward to that. Mine is, no doubt, a romanticized and possibly even a naive view of the university and its ideals. Its role as the repository and embodiment of high culture, civilized values, liberal education, and deep learning has been largely replaced by something more mechanical—the university as knowledge-producing factory and credential-providing mill. The old vision received fatal blows during the chaos of the 1960s, and succumbed to many forces—societal upheaval, the dramatic advances in science and technology, and the explosion of government funding among them. Still, I hope that at least one ideal will remain. When the American psychologist and philosopher with the soul of a novelist, William James, received an honorary degree from Harvard, where he had already taught for years, he said: The true Church was always the invisible Church. The true Harvard is the invisible Harvard in the souls of her more truth-seeking and intelligent and often very solitary sons. The university most worthy of imitation is that one in which your lonely thinker can feel himself least lonely, most positively furthered, and most rightly fed. As I leave the academic world, I feel grateful to have been a member—now an emeritus member—of that Church, and to have welcomed others to it. I hope that somehow it will continue to exist, including in new sanctuaries, and that truth seekers everywhere can, with effort, join it and thrive within its cloisters as I did. Eliot Cohen is a contributing writer at The Atlantic. He is the Arleigh Burke Chair in Strategy at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, a professor emeritus at Johns Hopkins University, and the author of The Hollow Crown: Shakespeare on How Leaders Rise, Rule, and Fall .

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